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by Dr. Derek Alleyne
In “Ethical values of transactional and transformational leaders”, Kanungo, (2001) explains that “because despotic leaders use their positions and authorities to achieve their own goals, the followers of such leaders react by making less sacrifices for the organisation or individuals.”
In the case of Barbados, followers of Prime Minister Mia Mottley have developed the art of finding excuses and justification for every act and/or transgression made by her.
Barbadians have, in the main, complained about the process of moving Barbados to a Republic.
Clearly, enough was never done to educate Barbadians about what a Republic is, how making the move will change the ethical and political landscape of Barbados and generally what will be the nature of the Republic.
According to some scholars, the strongest remaining monarchy, Great Britain, enjoys republican status, with true power residing with the people.
An article, “The English Republic and the Meaning of Britain”, by Derek Hirst, provides for good reading. The point is that there are many forms of republics.
Secondly, notwithstanding the fact that a referendum is not a requirement, a decision on the nature of the Republic cannot rest on the say so of Mottley and a few of her chosen friends.
Most of all, a decision cannot be arrived at by any reading of the nature of a Republic provided by David Comissiong. He is not an independent voice in this process and cannot speak for or on behalf of the people.
The Caricom Ambassador wants Barbadians to stop talking about republicanism. He writes, taking on this Mottley trait of speaking to children, “some of us are confusing ourselves with the word republic”, so instead let us just call this “thing” “exactly what it is: namely that we are removing the Queen of England from her current position of Head of State of Barbados and we are elevating one of our very own Barbadian citizens to that exalted office”.
The “thing” that Comissiong does not want discussed has several meanings and distillations. He is advocating a Parliamentary republic which, in a wide definition, already exists.
A simple definition is that a Parliamentary republic is a republic that operates under a Parliamentary system of government where the executive branch (the government) derives its legitimacy from and is accountable to the legislature (the Parliament).
So there are several questions that must be answered.
Elliot Bulmer in a 2017 article, “Non-Executive Presidents in Parliamentary Democracies”, explains that: “Parliamentary systems usually separate the functions of head of state and head of government.
The head of state’s duties typically include representing the country, performing ceremonial duties as an embodiment of the authority of the state and providing civic leadership as an expression of national identity, values and aspirations.
The head of state might also have limited functions as a constitutional arbiter or guardian: he or she might, for example, have some discretionary power to nominate a Prime Minister, to dissolve Parliament, to make non-political appointments and perhaps even to veto legislation or to call a referendum.
He further explains that the head of government, in our case the Prime Minister, is responsible for directing the administration and setting executive policy.
As such, Mottley can appoint and dismiss ministers and subject to the constitution is in charge of the implementation and execution of laws.
She also directs the power of the state, including the civil service and the armed forces. The PM sets the legislative policy agenda and manipulates its passage through the Houses of Parliament.
With the above background, a major question is whether or not the President will have executive power. Given the nature of Mottley’s rule to date, one can conclude the answer is no. In that case, a look at a non-executive President also poses another set of questions:
1. How is the nominee for President chosen;
2. How to elect the President, in terms of the electoral body (the whole people, Parliament or a special electoral college), the method of voting, the majority required, the rules on candidacy and re-election and the President’s term of office;
3. What will be the powers and functions of the President; and
4. What will be the relationship between the President, the Prime Minister, Parliament and the other parts of the political system? There are other issues including the election process for the President.
Is it by secret ballot, is it by two-thirds or simple majority, is it taken at one sitting of both Houses or is it required to pass the Lower House before assenting to the Upper? The self-appointed revolutionary and Pan Africanist must have been advised to tell Barbadians that this singular change will be done on November 30th 2021 and that the President will be elected by the Lower and Upper Houses of Parliament. He, on whose authority is not clear, informs that further changes will be considered later.
In the first place, Comissiong’s word is far from gospel and Barbadians are increasingly beginning to recognise that the Prime Minister talks the talk but walks another road as she sees fit.
Elliot Bulmer poses the following question: How important is it that a non-executive President be non-partisan? If they are to act as unifying ceremonial figureheads and as impartial constitutional guardians, is it necessary for them to be seen as politically neutral?
Or is it more important for them to have the authority and popular mandate that comes from direct election, and from a claim to enjoy the support of a majority of the people? Given the recent record of this Government and of her disciple and the performance of her committee, I believe public education and participation are critical to the move. But then again, it is Mottley and she has grown to expect her will to be done.
Dr. Derek Alleyne is a trade unionist, social commentator and member of the Democratic Labour Party.
